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or 


HON. CHAMP C L A 11 K , 

* • ' 

OF MISSOURI, 

In the noUSE OE IvEPHESENTATlVES, 


Monday, February 5, 1000. 

The Hoxise being in Committee of the Whole Hoiise on the state of the Union, and having under 
consideration the bill (H. R.704U making appropriations for the diplomatic and consular service 
for the fiscal year ending June oO, lliOl— 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri said: 

Mr. Speaker: A correspondent of the London Times once wrote to that paper 
stating that he sent it a long letter because he did not have time enough to pre¬ 
pare a short one. That was a very philosophic remark. I, perhaps, will speak 
longer to-day tlian if I had had time to prepare a speech on the Philippine ques¬ 
tion, to which I jjropose to devote myself exclusively. And in order that there 
may be no question whatever about what I think upon this subject, I propose to 
begin with a few plain propositions which 1 intend to discuss. ^ 

A man does not have to be an idiot in order to be a patriot. 

A man is not a traitor because he is opposed to doing those things \vhich jeopar¬ 
dize the existence of this Republic. 

An American is not a pessimist because he is un-wllling to see his country adopt 
as a settled policy the political principles of Alexander, Oiesar, or Napoleon. 

In the hands of political jobbers the American flag, like the mantle of charity, 
will be made to cover a multitude of sins. I do not care a bawbee about Agui- 
naldo or the Filipinos. My sympathy, my heart, my solicitude, go to the Amer- 
can people. I think more, far more, of the liberties of my children than of all the 
trade of all the earth. I would like to leave them both rich and free, but of the 
two I would infinitely prefer to leave them free—free to labor, free to work out 
their owm career, free to sympathize with and help all people everywhere, strug¬ 
gling for liberty. I would not give the life of one healthy, honest, moral, patriotic, 
ambitious American white boy in exchange for ail the Filipinos [applausej now 
in the archipelago or who will be there until the great judgment day. Believing 
firmly—and I will answer your question, my good friend- 

Mr. BOUTELL of Illinois. Thank 3 ’ou. 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Believing firmly that the annexation of the Philip¬ 
pines, either forcibly or with the consent of the people of those islands, will in the 
end prove dangerous, if not ruinous, to our “government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people,” I am dead against it now, henceforth, and forever. 
I would be against annexing them if every man, woman, and child in the Philip¬ 
pine Islands were beseeching us to annex them. 

But the time is coming, and it is coming rapidly, when we must adopt a settled 
policy that we are willing to stand or to fall by. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, it looks as if we had the Philippine Islands in theory. We 
have them not in fact. It was first said that we had them by conquest; but the 
President gives up that proposition, if he ever held it. Judge Day, who w’as at the 
head of the Peace Commission, says: “If we have any claim over there, it is a 
right by purchase and not by conquest.” Now, what are we doing? I invite your 
attention, and, if need be, your questions, because, as this is not a written, cast- 
iron, prepared speech, it admits of elasticity; and I am not sure but what we shall 
arrive at the truth a great deal sooner by questioning each other than by making 
set speeches. 

Section 10 of the treaty of Paris provides— 

^ That the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby 
ceded to the United states shall be determined by the Congress. 

Nearly fourteen months have gone to join the years before the flood since that 
treaty was signed—to-morrow will be the anniversary of its r^jrts^wiijon by the 
1255 . 




2 





Senate—yet Congress has clone nothing, absolutely nothing, has not even attempted 
to do anything, toward carrying out that provision of the treaty to “ determine 
the political status of the inhabitants of those far-away and unhappy islanders.” 

The status of the Philippines and the rights of Americans are left, like Moham¬ 
med’s coffin, suspended between heaven and earth. 

After that treaty was ratified by the Senate, imitating the example of the man 
who locked the barn after the horse was gone, that body passed a resolution by 
way of construing the treaty, in which it declares “ that by the ratification of the 
treaty of peace with Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants of the 
Philippine Islands into citizenship of the United States, nor is it intended to per¬ 
manently annex said islands as an integral part of the territory of the United 
States.” 

Now, the primary question is—and I wish you to listen to it—Does Congress 
intend to abdicate its functions or notV That is what we have done so far. In 
the last Congress we frequently inquired what was the policy of the White House, 
what the policy of the Republican party was. No man on that side of the Cham¬ 
ber ever undertook to say what it was; he would say what his own theory was. j 
But I wish to repeat that question: Does Congress intend to legislate uncler the ( 
tenth section of the treaty of Paris, as it is in duty bound to do, or does it intend’ ' 
to abdicate its constitutional function and permit the President to run things ad 
libitum in the Philippines by means of a military satrapy? Judging the future 
by the past, all that Congress is expected to do in this matter of such far-reaching 
consequence to the American people is to furnish the money to carry on the gov¬ 
ernment by satraps and to keep up a war which Congress never authorized and 
which Congress and Congress alone had the constitutional power to authorize. 
How long is this extraordinary state of affairs to continue? Is it to be continued 
only till after the election in order to give Republicans a chance to repudiate any 
particular policy and to advocate the one which appears to be most popular, or is 
it, li^ie Tennyson’s brook, to go on forever? 

These questions are not asked for amusement or aggravation, but because the 
people of America have a right to the information. 

Indeed, on several occasions wdien, in the other end of the Capitol, gentlemen 
have offered resolutions of inquiry, the resolutions have been tabled and the 
patriotism of the authors impugned. 

In the days of reconstruction Congress usurped executive functions until the 
office of the President of the United States was reduced almost to a nullity. Now 
the President of the United States usurps Congressional and legistative function 
until Congress has fallen to the low estate of being merely an animated cash reg;- 
ister for the executive department of this Government. [Laughter.] 

A Member. Which do you like the best? 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. I do not like either one. I like for the executive 
department to attend strictly to its own business, for the legislative department 
to attend to its business strictly, and for the .iudicial department to attend to its 
business strictly, and not undertake to run the politics of this country by issuing 
an injunction a"t every full or change of the moon. [Laughter.] 

Thm’e w^as a day when the rescripts of the Roman emperors w^ere supposed to be 
of binding effect throughout their vast domain. It really appears that w’-e are fast 
sinking to a position when the wish of the President and not the Constitution is 
the supreme law of the land. 

The Spanish war, wdiich Congress declared, really ended in July, 1898; technic¬ 
ally it ended wdth the ratification of the treaty of Paris. 

The Philippine war, which Congress never declared, began about the time the 
Spanish war closed, is still raging, and the end thereof is not even in sight. 

One day we are informed by General Otis, our viceroy in Asia, that Aguinaldo 
is cornered and about to be captured at some distant point; the next day Agui¬ 
naldo is fighting within hearing of Manila. 

This game of military hide and seek has been played for about a 5 "ear, at a cost 
to the people of thousands of valuable American lives and of over one hundred 
millions in hard cash. 

The mothers and fathers of the country wffio are called upon to sacrifice their 
sons, the overburdened taxpayers who foot the bills, are beginning to exclaim, 
“How long, O Lord, how long?” 

When the Spanish w^ar closed we could have occupied the most enviable position 
ever held by any nation since creation’s dawm, and all we had to do was to do that 
which we owed it to our-elves to do, and that was to say to both the Cubans and 
the Filipinos, “The Spaniards are beaten; your chains are broken; you helped us 
to do this thing; now set up any sort of government you want, and we will make 
4355 U - » 









3 


the other nations of the earth keep their hands off of yon or we will shoot them 
off.” [Applause.]' 

We would never have been compelled to fire a gun to make that promise good, 
for there is not a nation on earth that has any desire to see the fleets of Dewey and 
of Schley riding triumphantly in their harlors and shelling their seaport cities. 

Had we done that, unstinted praises of our disinterestedness and philanthropy 
would have rung round the w'orld, coupled with the amazing stor}’^ of American 
valor and the prowess of Americans in arms. Wherever Old Glory floated it would 
have been liailed by millions of loving hearts in everj^ quarter of the globe as the 
emblem of a people wdio are free themselves and who are willing and anxious that 
all men everywhere shall be free. 

Now^, on the principle that a fellow'-feeling makes the whole world kin, the 
crowned and sceptered despots of Europe saj^ to us: “All hail! We welcome you 
to membership in the ancient and sordid society of land grabbers. As you are 
the youngest and the strongest, we will give you the largest, choicest, and juiciest 
slice in partitioning the face of the globe among ourselves. We are in high good 
humor with you because you have eschewed the pestiferous principles of the 
Declaration of Independence, the cobweb restrictions of the Constitution, the pre¬ 
posterous sentiments of Washingtons Farewell Address, the decisions of the 
Supreme Court for a century, the presumptuous doctrine of James Monroe, and 
the solemn advice of Abraham Lincoln. Those men and those principles were 
well enough in a crude age and among a backwoods people, but this is the last 
year of the nineteenth century—if not the first of the twentieth—and we will go 
land hunting, gold hunting, diamond hunting, and man hunting togetlier. As a 
special favor we will give you alt the entangling alliances you w^ant for the rest 
of your lives, beginning with the Anglo-American alliance.” 

It is with the greatest diffidence that I quote the Supreme Court of the LTnited 
States or any judge thereof. My observation is that everyone admires the Supreme 
Court and adores it when it has decided his way; and when it decides against him, 
he reserves to himself the right to go out and “cuss” it. Very much depends on 
wdiose ox is gored. 

The other day my distinguished friend from Maine [Mr. Littlefield], who 
sits in front of me and who honors me by his attention, put in a great deal of his 
time apotheosizing Judge Story, of the Supreme Court of the United States. I do 
not object to that. Judge Story deserves well at the hands of posterity. But I 
am going to quote you another judge of the Supreme Court of the United States— 
John Marshall—for nearly thirt 3 ’-flve years Chief Justice of the United States. 
I am not enamored of Marshall's politics; he was the rankest Federalist that ever 
lived; but tliis tribute is due to him—that he was the greatest jurist that ever 
sat on that bench; and Judge Story compared with Marshall “is as moonlight 
unto sunlight, or as water unto wine.” Here is what Chief Justice Marshall says 
in one case: 

The Government of the United States can claim no powers which are not granted to it hy the 
Constitution, and the powers actually granted must he such as are expressly given or given hy 
necessary implication. 

Now, please bear in mind who John Marshall was. He was not only Chief Jus¬ 
tice, but ho was the chief of Federalists. He resolved every doubt in favor of the 
General Government. But those w^ere his -words, and surely Republicans ought 
to accept them as sufficient. Remember also that he is defining the powers and 
scope of the Federal Government under the Constitution. We are, or ought to be, 
at this very hour trying with all the lights before us to ascertain our powers and 
our rights in dealing with the Philippine Islands under the Constitution. 

Again the Supreme Court says: 

A power in the General Government to obtain and hold colonies as dependent Territories over 
which they (the Congress) might legislate without restriction would be inconsistent with its 
own existence in its present form. 

Those be pertinent words. 

Then in another case: 

The power of Congress over the Territories is limited by the obvious purposes for which it 
was conferred; and those purposes are satisfied by measures which prepare the ijeople of the 
Territories to become States of the Union. 

I want to read that to you again, because upon that proposition turns this whole 
question. The serious question to us and our posterity is. What are we going to 
do -wnth the Philippines if we get them:' I have no doubt about our getting them 
if we want them, though we have not got them yet; but, as I stated once before 
upon the floor of this House, in fighting the annexation of the Sandwich Islands, 
this Government is strong enough to do what it pleases with the nations of the 
earth; and if we want to, we can take the islands; never fear about that. 

4255 


4 


But I want to read you that proposition again. Tliis is a decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. Xow. no Republican or Goldbug*’ can alford to say 
that he is not going to be governed by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, because in 1896 you denounced us all over this land as anarchists because 
we proposed to do the very same thing that the Republican party has done with 
the Supreme Court of the United States: that was to reorganize it so that we 
could get the kind of decision out of it that we wanted. And as for myself, I 
unhesitatingly say that if I had the power I would reorganize it. 

But I want to read the proposition again, for you are nearly all lawyers; 

The power of Confess over the Territories is limited by the obvious purposes for which it 
was conferred: and those purposes are satisfied by measures which prepare the people of the 
Territories to become States of the Union. 

Xow, I want to submit this to you while you are cool, while this has not yet 
become a party question. It is becoming one; but it has not become one yet. Is 
any man on this floor willing to say that the Philippine Islands shall ever become 
States of the American Union? 1 challenge the array on the other side of the 
House individually for any man there to get up and state that he is in favor of 
making American States out of the Philippine Islands, either now or hereafter. 

Kow I will tell you what I think about the Filipinos. One of two things is true 
about them—either they are fit for self-government or they are not. If they are, 
in God’s name let them govern themselves. If they are not, we do not want them 
as fellow-citizens. 

I will tell you another thing I believe I know about them. Xo matter whether 
they are fit to govern themselves or not, they are not fit to govern us [applause], 
and that is precisely what they will do to let them in as States. 

Now, let us see what the Supreme Coui’t says a little further—it is mighty good 
reading when it is your way: 

The Territories acquired by Congress, whether by deed of cession from the original .States or 
by treaty with a foreign country, are held with the object, as soon a.s their population and con¬ 
dition justify it. of being admitted mto the Union as States, uj'on an equal footing with the orig¬ 
inal States in all respects. 

There you have it. Now, the Philippine Islands have one of the two qualifica¬ 
tions. They have the population. Nobody knows how many islands there are. 
There is not a man in the House or on the earth, except by accident, who can 
guess within five hundred of the number of the Philippine Islands. Even Mark 
Hanna can not do it, nor General Grosvenor, who knows nearly everything. 
[Laughter.] There is not a man in the United States or on the face of the earth 
who can tell within 5,000,000 of the number of people there are in these islands. 
But if you take the lowest estimate, 8,000,000 people, how many States would that 
make in the American Union equal to the population of Nevada, which at the last 
election only cast about 9,000 votes and at the Presidential election 12,CH)0? Why, 
it beggars the imagination to think of the number of almond-e^ ed, browm-skinned, 
Mohammedan United States Senators who would sit over there to kill the vote of 
Gen. Francis Marion Cockrell, senior and perpetual Senator from the State of 
Missouri, and those other illustrious conscript fathers. 

Now, you gentlemen must look out for breakers. The truth is, the more you 
study it the less you are going to be in favor of taking those islands in at all. 
The more the American people think about it the less stomach they are going to 
have for having the liberties of their children impaired by people who go naked, 
sleep outdoors, and make their li\ing by eating breadfruit off the trees. 

Let us read some more; it is good when it is with you. 

The Supreme Court says: 

The Constitution was made for the benefit of every citizen of the United .States, and there is 
no citizen, whatever his condition, or wherever he may be within the territory of the L'nited 
States, who has not a right to its protection. 

Now. our Ways and Means Committee—of course I would not say anything dis¬ 
respectful of that august body, which contains several of the most distinguished 
statesmen in this House—that committee have been studying what? Politics? 
No. Finance? No. Political economy? No. Studying lexicography, to find 
out what constitutes the United States. I am not authorized to speak for that 
committee, but I understand that they are about to run foul of Brother McKin¬ 
ley's opinion in their definition of what constitutes the United States. 

Let me read to you some more from the opinion of the United States Supreme 
Court: 

The personal and civil rights of the inhabitants of the Territories— 

It does not help it to call them colonies, for that is a mere subterfuge; that is a 
4255 


5 


piece of legislative legerdemain to undertake to escape a great and grave responsi¬ 
bility to ourselves and our posterity by trying to hide behind the word *• colony”— 

The personal and civil rights of the inhabitants of the Territories are secured to them as to 
other citizens by the principles of constitutional liberty, which restrain all agencies of the 
CTOvemment, State and national. 

Oh, yes; but these statesmen say they are not going to let the Filipinos coma 
oyer here. ‘*Xo, bless your soul; they shall not come.” Xo man who is fit to 
sit on the Supreme Bench or the circuit bench of the United States or the bench 
of a State court would tolerate that cheap demagogy for half a minute. Thank 
God that the American citizen, black or white, brown or cop>i)€r colored, male or 
female, has the right, under the Stars and Stripes, to go wherever he pleases 
within the broad confines of this Republic without asking the consent of any 
power or getting a pass from the President of the United States. As quick a's 
you make them American citizens, they can come here and drive our wlure men 
out of their positions into starvation; and really the men who are back of this 
propaganda are in favor of doing that very thing. I want to read yon a little 
more. Here is what Judge Cooley says: 

And when territory is acquired, the right to suffer S^tates to be formed therefrom, and to 
receive them into the Union, must follow, of course. 

Xow, it will not do to say that Judge Cooley is “an old fool.” not while the 
gentleman from Maine [Mr. Littlefield] is an honored member of this House and 
while the Roberts case concerns the intelligence of mankind. Listen to Cooley 
again: 

Does this term de.signate the whole or any particular portion of the American empire? Cer¬ 
tainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the name given to our great Republic, 
which is composed of States and Territories. The District of Columbia or the territory w?st of 
the Missouri is not less ^vithin the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania. 

And when territory is acquired, the right to suffer States to be formed therefrom, and to 
receive them into the Union, must follow, of course, not only because the Constitution confers 
the power to admit new States without restriction, but because it would be inconsistent with 
institutions founded on the fundamental idea of self-government that the Federal CTOverament 
should retain territory under its imperial rule and deny the people the customary local insti¬ 
tutions. 

Gentlemen, if there ever was a legal proposition proved in this world by the 
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, that string of decisions, and 
others which might be cited, demonstrate that we can not take the Philippine 
Islands unless we intend ultimately to make States out of them: unless yon intend 
to go hack to your old doctrine of iSo j and '6 and 7 and 'S, and propose to reorgan- 
ize the Supreme Court of the United States and pack it, as yon did in and *9 
to get the legal-tender decisions. 

The proposition that we must support the Presidents Philippine policy—what¬ 
ever that may be—right or wrong, is the veriest rot. an insult to intelligence, a 
shame upon manhood, a tale told by an idiot, a betrayal of the principle of self- 
government. 

I am willing to go as far as anyone in patriotism. I will snpport the country in 
any emergency; but President McKinley is not the country. The time has not 
yet come—I pray Almighty God that it may never arise—when the American peo¬ 
ple will accept the arrogant dictum of Louis XIV, when rep€ate<I by an American 
President. “I am the State!” — 

If President McKinley is at all worthy of his high position, he must entertain a 
supreme contempt for those political invertebrates, particularly for those claim¬ 
ing to be Democrats, who, in order to catch the crumbs falling from their master's 
table [applause], go about saying, “The President is wrong in his Philippine 
policy, but we must snpport the President.” Out upon such cringing sycophancy! 

Suppose a ca.se. Suppose that when George Hi undertook to force onr fore¬ 
fathers to pay the stamp tax, Patrick Henry, instead of delivering that great lyidc 
speech before the Virginia house of burgesses, which precipitated the Revolution 
and which still thrills the heart like strains of martial music, had risen in his 
place and, cooing gently as a sucking dove, had said, “His Most Gracions Majesty 
is wrong about this stamp tax, but we mnst, as loyal subjects, support him. right 
or wrong.” And suppose Washington. Jefferson, Greene. Warren. Lee, Putnam, 
Hamilton, Franklin, and all that glorious host of warriors and statesmen had 
weakly agreed to that. What would we l^e to-day? Instead of being the strongest, 
the richest, the most beneficent Republic that the sun ever looked down upon, we 
would still be English colonies, ruled by British proconsuls, without any voice 
whatsoever in the Government under which we live. 

Those immortal state builders had been reared on the pleasant fiction that “ the 
King can do no wrong,” but when he did do wrong they boldly and iconoclastically 
trampled that preposterous falsehood in the dust and, wresting a continent from 
iHoo 


6 


his iron grasp, made it the home of liberty and dedicated it to the twin proposi¬ 
tions, “All men are created equal” and “Governments derive their just powers 
from the consent of the governed.” There were men in the land in 1770. Are 
there only manikins now? I do not believe such a monstrous libel on 75,000,000 
American citizens. George III did wrong. Our fathers fought and conquered 
him. William McKinley does wrong. We will oppose and overthrow him under 
the forms of law. [Applause.] 

I wish to make another suggestion along this line of letting these Filipinos in 
here. Now, Mr. Chairman, this startling proposition presents itself. Ten mil¬ 
lions of Asiatics, not one of whom is fit to be an American citizen or to be made 
an American citizen—because that is what they will do—and have all the rights 
and privileges of American citizens! They can live on 15 cents a day from habit 
as well as we can on a dollar a day. Under the tutelage of skillful American 
teachers they will soon be as competent to use American machinery as our own 
mechanics, and the result of the whole thing is that American laborers, white and 
black, are to bo brought into competition with the pauper labor of Europe and 
Asia, which you gentlemen have talked about so long, without a single, solitary 
compensatory benefit from the theory of free trade. 

Now, think about it on the grounds of humanity. We are told that we have 
commissioned ourselves as a lot of Don Quixotes to go forth into the world in 
quest of adventures, and that our duty is to carry the blessings of liberty and set¬ 
tled government to the ends of the earth. I deny it. Our duty is to attend to our 
own business, to secure the blessings of liberty to our posterity. 

Now, let us see if we are fit to go into the political missionary business, and on 
this I challenge your attention. I am going to state facts that are within the com¬ 
mon knowledge of all the people here. I ask you reformers over there, are we, the 
American people, in condition to go into the world as missionaries to carry the 
blessings of liberty and settled government to all other peoples? My friend from 
Penn.sylvania quoted Scripture the other day, I understand—I was not here; I 
am sorry I was not—in favor of the imperial doctrine. Why, the devil quoted 
Scripture on a celebrated occasion in f avor of his proposition.^ [Laughter.] 

I will (luote you a bit of Scrij^ture that fits it like a glove: “ Let every man set 
his own household in order before he goes to meddling with thehouseholds of other 
people.” [Laughter.] Also, “Physician, heal thyself.” What kind of a condi¬ 
tion are we in to do missionary work? Let us see what we are doing right now. 
Hanging “niggers ” in Mississippi, burning “niggers” in Kentucky, hanging Ital¬ 
ians in Louisiana, a double-headed government in Kentucky, one governor assas¬ 
sinated and two living, two governments and two legislatures, and they can not 
hold a court in some parts of the State, my native State, without calling the 
militia. Out in Illinois one Sunday evening last summer they had a battle in 
which more men were killed—and by a strange concatenation of events everj’- one 
of them had a black hide—more men were killed than at the battle of Palo* Alto 
or Resaca de la Palma. 

Out in Idaho the State is under martial law. Up in Maine, the home of civili¬ 
zation and patriotism and learning, last summer they mobbed two preachers, tarred 



and feathered them, and rode them on a rail because they preached the doctrine 


of Jesus Christ. [Laughter.] The Washington Post—I wish I had the editorial 
here—stated that they would have burned them, but the lucifers would not work 
well. [ Laughter.] Thank God, the lucifers were out of fix, or in the closing days 
of the nineteenth century, in the State of Maine, w^e should have had two humble 


followers of the Saviour being burned alive because they preached the doctrine of 


the holy Nazarene. 

Last summer a mob with fury in its eye, murder in its heart, and a rope in its 
hand, chased a colored man and brother through the woods in Connecticut, the 
land of steady habits, but whether they ever found him or not I don’t know; he 
has never been heard of since. [Laughter.] What must the souls of Charles 
Sumner, Harriet Beecher Stowe, William Lloyd Garrison, and those distinguished 
philanthropists think of that, if they think at all amidst their present environ¬ 
ments? [Laughter.] A year or two ago they hanged five men on one tree in one 
night in Indiana, and it was not a very good night for Judge Lynch, either. 

Let us take another instance. All last summer the United States courts in this 
country were run overtime, and all of the nidges were liable to be stricken down 
with nervous prostration, and what were they doing? Busy issuing injunctions 
at the command of the x)lutocrats of the land against men exercising the God-given 
right of earning their bread in the sweat of their faces. 

Let us come east a little. If what John Wanamaker says about Matthew Stan¬ 
ley Quay is correct. Quay ought to be in the penitentiary the rest of his natural 


4256 


( 


7 


life [laughter]; and if what he says is not true, Wanainaker is the greatest liar 
since the days of Ananias and Sapphira. [Laughter.] Perhaps they are both 
correct. [Laughter.] I will not undertake to decide such a delicate (|uestion of 
Republican morals and Republican etiquette. [Renewed laughter.] The city of 
Philadelphia, whence my distinguished friend, brother Adaims, comes, has become 
so corrupt that, notwithstanding it had 100,000 Republican majority at the last 
election, it imported ballot-box stuffers and repeaters from the city of Washington 
merely from the force of habit. [Laughter.] 

I have stated one reason assigned by the imperialists why we should go out car¬ 
rying the blessings of liberty to the ends of the earth. Another class of them say, 
“It is Providence.” I have heard a good many bad things unloaded on Provi¬ 
dence, but I never heard anything as bad as that. To claim that this is the work 
of Providence reminds one of the old colored brother who said he had observed 
that when he prayed that Providence would send him a chicken he never got it; 
but when he prayed that Providence would send him to the chicken he usually got 
there. [Laughter.] 

There was one candid land grabber. That was the immortal soldier and states¬ 
man, Frederick the Great. He took Silesia, to which his ancestors had some 
shadowy claim two hundred years before his day. Through the horrors of the 
seven years’ war, in which he soundly thrashed the Russians, Austrians, and 
French combined, he resolutely held on to his prey. All Kuropo in arms could 
not tear Silesia from his iron grasp. When all was over and he stood forth victor 
over all his foes, in a state paper one of his ministers undertook to demonstrate 
that it was the will of God, whereupon candid, heroic Frederick growled, “Strike 
it out. Leave the name of God out of that. Say I did it.” , 

Our land grabbers are not so courageous as Frederick. A good many of them 
beat about the bush; but some do not. Living out West has a tendency to increase 
and encourage independence of character. 

Senator Carter of Montana took a whack at this business not long ago. Here 
is what he said; 

This is a practical agro- Wo aro goingr to deal with this question on the basis of dollars and 
cents. Neither religion nor sentiment will have much intluence in determining the verdict. 
The great question will he. Will it pay? If we can show the country that it will, as I think wo 
can, the American Hag w'ill never come dowui from the Philippines. 

Mr. Chairman, when the Republican party was first organized it went forth to 
do battle against the intrenched powers of the land as the friend of humanity; 
and 1 do not believe that if Abraham Lincoln and the great coterie of men who 
gathered around him were here to-day they would be willing to write the dollar 
mark as the sign with which the American people shall conquer. [Applau.se.] 
“ Will it pay?” Are you willing to fritter away the liberty of coming generations 
that a lot of jobbers may be permitted to rake in a few dollars in the Philippine 
Islands? 

But take the matter as the Senator from Montana puts it—on the low and debas¬ 
ing standard of the almighty dollar—and let us see how we will come out. It is 
said that figures will not lie. Here they are; The appropriations for the Army, 
passed in the spring of 1898, just before the Cuban war began, were $23,129,3-14.80. 
The other day we pjissed an urgent deficiency bill carrying $17,002,032.01 for the 
Army. The regular aiipropriation bill for the Army carried $75,247,811, making 
a total of $122,819,843.01 for the Army alone. Deduct from that the appropriation 
for the fiscal year, made in the spring of 1898, under normal conditions, and you 
have $99,720,499.31 left as the costof this imperial policy up to the present time for 
i. the Army alone. 

^ That is the price of the Philippine war to date, exclusive of theincreased expend¬ 
itures for the Navy, exclusive of the awful waste of human life and human 
health, and exclusive of the expense of a long roll of pensioners, which our chil¬ 
dren to the third and fourth generation will not live long enough to see paid. 

What have we to show for this immense expenditure of life and blood and tears 
and treasure? Nothing, absolutely nothing. 

When will this war end? Can anybody predict the day, even approximately? 

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Missouri has expired. 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Now, I want to stir up your pure minds by way of 
a remembrance. Wo went into that Spanish war with the solemn resolution of 
Congress that it was not for imperial aggrandizement or to enlarge our territory. 
What did w^e do that for, do you suppose? Did wo do it because we had nothing 
else to do? Was it just a mere empty flourish of rhetoric? No; I will tell you 
what we put it in there for. For two reasons. In the first place, you never would 
have gotten a resolution through this Congress declaring war in the world if it 
42i)5 


8 

tad not been pnt in there, because there were enough of ns here who dreaded this 
very thing to prevent it. 

In the second place, we put it in there to secure the good opinion of mankind, to 
keep the old nations of the earth from getting scared at this lusty young giant of 
the West, and it did keep them off; and if irnybody had had any idea that an attempt 
would have been made to confine that resolution to Cuba, it would have been put 
into that resolution so broad that it would have covered every foot of land on the 
face of God's footstool. 

We are in a nice fix, are we not? There is one other gentleman about whom T 
wish to express my opinion. A man stood up in the Senate of the United States 
not long ago and held up before the twinkling eyes of the members of the House 
of the Ancients a piece of glittering gold that he alleged he had picked up in the 
Philippine Islands, and said, in substance, “There are mountains of it over there, 
and for that reason we should go and dispossess the people and take their land.*’ 

Mr. Chairman, the junior Senator from Colorado did not overstep the m^k 
when he denounced that speech as “base and sordid.*’ and I will give my opinion 
of it in another way. There is scarcely a convicted thief in any penitentiary of 
any civilized country on the globe who did not land behind the bars by reason 
of just such temptation as the gentleman of the Wabash held up before the Senate 
of the United States. [Applause on the Democratic side.] 

Now, they quoted Scripture here the other day. I want to quote a little myself. 
It is written, “Judge a tree by its fruits.” That is gocd gospel. It was good sense 
before it was ever put in the Bible. What are the fruits of imperialism up to date? 
I am not going to overstate the case at all. In the first place, it has led us into 
abandoning the Declaration of independence, which has made us what we are and 
glorified us in the eyes of the whole world. That is the first proposition. 

Latter-day Republicans sneer at the Declaration of Independence as composed 
of glittering generalities and barren idealities, not fit to be considered seriously 
by fin de siecle statesmen. Any man that asserts that it really means something, 
that it is the major charta of our liberties, that it contains the argument not only 
for our Revolution but for all representative government, is rat^ by these prac¬ 
tical statesmen as a sickiy sentimentalist. 

As if endowed with prophetic power to see what would be happening here in 
1900, Mr. Lincoln, at Lewiston, Me., said, in 1S5S: 

Wise stHtemen as they were, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants: and so 
they established these ^eat seif-evident truths, that when in the distant future some man, 
some faction, some interest, should set up the doctrine that none but rich men, or none bus 
white men, or none but Anglo-Saxon white men, were entitled to liberty and the pursuit of hap¬ 
piness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration of lndei)ehdence and take courage 
to renew the battle which their fathers began. ♦ ♦ * so that no man should thereafter care 
to limit and circumscribe the principles on which the temple of liberty was being built. 

% 

Those words seem spoken to describe our imperialists, who sneer at the Declara¬ 
tion of Independence and its authors. 

Republicans are fond of tracing their political pedigree to Alexander Hamilton, 
who condemned their present performances in these words: 

National liberty is a gift of the beneficent Creator to the whole human race: and the ciTil 
liberty is founded on that, and can not be wrested from any people without the most manifest 
violation of justice. 

Charles Sumner was once considered a great prophet in Republican Israel, and 
the popular voice endowed him with all the virtues of martydom. In an unguarded 
moment he said: 

The words that “governments derive their just powers from the consent of the goveimed" 
are sacred words, full of life-giving energy. Not simply national independence was~ here pro¬ 
claimed, but also the primal rights of all mankind. 

His illustrious successor in the Senate, the learned and venerable George 
Frisbie Hoar, is now denounced as a traitor by cheap-john demagogues because 
he expresses sentiments similar to those of Sumner. 

Sneer at the great Declaration and its self-evident truths, do yon? Here are a 
few pearls of thought and patriotism culled at random from the archives of the 
Republican party in its better days: 

Resolved, That the principle promulgated in the Declaration of Independence is essential to 
the preservation of our republican institutions.—i?epu6h‘cai» platform of June 17. 

Resolved. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence, that governments are instituted among men, deriving their just ixjwers from tha 
consent of the governed, is essential to the preservation of our republican mstitutions.—.ff<pud- 
lican platform of May 17, 1S60. 

Resolved, This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed people who are 
struggling for their rights. W e recc^nize the great principles laid down in the immortal Eiecla- 
ration of Independence as the true foundation of democratic government, and we ball with 
gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of American 
BoU.—RepublicQn platform of May So, 1S68. 

■ 4255 - 


9 


i^z 2<?pa>>&a3i 'pa^TT ha.? Ineea zhe ziazsjvm c 4 zhe oppras^ed ard 

ii>r df^nfTT ci. dsnhcoc*. irresTieciiTe of faith, cotor. or aatSceaHry. It syi^raiLiiies 
caase.of hjfse raiie in Ireiml.—aiAca* pLutfo^-SA ■:■/ :-.t, ls?j.‘ 

out sympathy for Ireland 
" itootis tToni-cing he is just 

to cnotations from the 


Really, seme Anghnnaniac ought to moTe to strike ' 
and insert sympathy for John Bull in the a'xfnl but rig: 
now receiving at th^ bands of Oom Paul Kroger. 

Pot. gentlemen, we do not have to conhne oorselv-E 


dead statements and to mosty platforms in the years agone. There is an eminent. 



He rest ieth in the White House. He hath ozice? galore to dinribtite to the faith- 
foL Bor in a moment of tempDrarv aberration he blorred out these treasonable 
words: 

I ZZ'ZZ d f rrnt-Ie fje tLar. iin-irr czir cc-ie cf :r-rra!=. xrohid be rrimbiil 

tiome supple-jack of a jingo ought to move to eip-onge those werds irom the 
records of the country and from human memory. 

TZSTIMOXT OF A GfiZJLT MISSCUEIAV. 

I wpi new quote a few pregnant sentences lately ottered by a great kSussomi 
Republican- now a resi-lent of Washirgton. Gen. John B. Henlersen. I like to 
quote Rej«obbcan5 when they talk wisdom and patriotism. John B. Hendersen 
is one of the greatest lawyers ever in either tranch of Congress. He was a briga¬ 
dier-general m the Union Army, a Senator cf the Unitei States for eight ye^s. 
President of the conventioo wMch nominated Blaine, and president of the Pan- 
American Congress. He is the only man. living or dead, that ever refused a place 
cm the supreme e»:tin bench of Missouri. BLe rendered his country and his parry 
ccmspicuous service hy having conscience, courage, trains, and parriotisin enough 
to vote for the acquittal of Andrew Johnson, to prcsecute the whisky ring even 
unto death, and to help defeat General Grant for a thiri term. 

It will not do for gentlemen to sneer at General Henders»:n when he says: 

F:t purpcee. ihen. are -■c zc^z^^zzzzg tb? PbfSp^KTse Azid bow sre tbej to re 

f^Vcr::<ed posed zije yobe c£ sahfzLzxzzza* ■n»ese »re ib? rr=xt qsestior.* wbarb 

Oy ^aT>c 7 .r: scl-e f-zw oerseiTes, and Vbdrh the f^nfippcEe people hsT>e psTpocided 

P;- OCT mfers. with tfc-e Prasades-i msd gofz.g -i-i-wTi to toe c»pC*is5 c4 cKadjautses, wbuse 

ccly reply ia.= teen to sow tbeia dowti by thoasaSi? with the d-esVrtiriiTe arrss ct i»dera 
scaesee. Shmil these pe*:^e te ctzzens of t 2 ^ Unrie^d st. 3 :e 5 . free to oom? »ztd so froa State to 
SzAZei Shall they t«? g-yr er red by i:<a2 le^isCitttres <:f their own selertic^ rejTeser:te<-d in tbo 
Feder^ Cc tgress. and'doebed with a..* the rights of Americaa freeaee? xeS tbexi this and the 
WAT '-xi Ciise m aa bocr. *^0 teil tie^ less is to deity the theory of onr own GoverttK^t. to 
«3.bT»rJ tie f^Ftnda. tires of Arserjeas tsjertj. ared to enter -xtym a systetzef izrperiahstn as fatal 
aid IS g oe r upti sg t-o the ^xerrin^ pows" as s pera^al ery to the Etaster. 

Frors these ptipie we iA~ecociciealed the rwerds rf oar poirry^I kist.rry. We tide from oset- 
eelfos- a® we hade froci them, th* jtt-iScisI mterpretatic^ cf osr own CcwStrrttion. and tell them 
with hrsisen frostt that the Deelaraticn cf Izdepecden-te an i the Cctstirnttm itself are br.t ght- 
tg=r~g ^r.-eTiffttes mtetiied ft*' ths strcr.r azad litt for the weai. 

rvixEvcr or av rurvtLyr urpmucAS srArisMASt 

I now cu'te fmn a who is a«iinired and belove*! by all irisnds of lib-erty. 
wherever*domicilei. His name is Carl Schurz. ** To name him is to praise him.'* 
E*jm in Germany, be was one of that band of noble revolutionists who in lh4S 
etr'jTO heroktaLy to make Eur-ope free. He came to tois country 10 £ni here that 
liberty which was imariainal;-»e tbere. The friend and con^dant of Lincoln- he 
berame a nsahir-general. minister to Spain. Senator of the United States from 
Miss^euri. and Se^etary of the int-aior. He is uniTertally recognized as a man 



cf human lreeic«iL I commend his words of wisiom to all wh? hear or read this 
speEch. In speaking of the pissibiZity of new .States from our newly acquired 
territCTv. be says: 


In Pserto 


lirelT am: 


It: are aireAdr rfanzoring fc-r the 


Six*, fer iE.stAt>re. jc! . 

ET.ie'iy ~~ of thtt *? a restilar ^ emt«-Ty. s:<ic. to be adxsittM is a >:*»<? of tse 

UEita. Tea ztsy «ay that tbsj- will have zc wsfx ^ s^t*t «*y sure d thsi. CbBshlt yc»t:r 
_ exppT>rB.oe- thai case Xei ritory. hardly fitted fc* ~«at<-hr<*h. be«02 yrs'Cipi* 

tatted the UrMO as a Stat-e when the magocity parry e Otc-zress tisoc^ht t^t ly dcrm* so 
ita parry szj^z^rli coold be asgr^eated is tise Senate aa^ is ti^ Hc*se aao is tbe ej&ztcr^ coi¬ 
fed* Have OCT rarriss becont-e so ssselhsily xtrraoc? that this ssay set happes a gaiu t So we 

r-A - s*=e Poerao Eico adKirted b^ore we hare bad Zim.-e zo rzb cor eyes. ^ ^_ 

Yea may say that little Pserto Boco wodrl laot xn^ter mrei. Bpit cas asy c.ear-thiskixig 
l^ijexe that wLes we are amce; fatrly =rarte»i is the coarse of isdls^a mtsat e cipassoca we 
5ICI) tbsre* 'STia Bit the saxse re^scEzs which zuizxed as to tahe Pxeno Eico also be tised 
to sl»w that the two cf Sasto lattauigo. wuh Haiti asd cf-Csbs. wbr* separate Puerto 
















10 


Rico from oiar coast, would, if they w'ere in foreign hands, be a danger to ns. and that we must 
take them? Nothin^^ could be more plausible. Wliy, the necessity ot annexinpr Santo Domingo 
is already freely discu.ssed, and agencies to bring this about are actually at wcu'k. And as to 
Cuba, every expansionist will tell y''U that it is only a matter of tirne. And does anyone believe 
that those islands, if annexed, will not become States of this Union? That would give us at 
least three, perhaps four, new States, with about 3,r)()(),(j(td inhabitants—Spanish and hrencli Cre¬ 
oles and negroes—with six or eight Senators and from fifteen to twenty Representatives in 
Congress, and a corresponding number of votes in the electoral college. 

Another thing. Name the Constitution to one of these imperialists, and what 
answer do yon. get? Why, Gen. Wesley Merritt blurted out, what most of you 
were thinking, that “ the Constitution was played out, it was not even worth dis¬ 
cussing.’' 

They sneer at Washington’s Farewell Address, that everybody, including Mr. 
McKinley himself, has acknowledged as containing the wisdom of the world. 
Abandon the Monroe doctrine—that is what imperialism means—at once and with¬ 
out a struggle; because it stands to reason and to nature that we can not play the 
dog in the manger on this continent and at the same time colonize in the Eastern 
Hemisphere. Let us take another thing which has been done and which has been 
applauded by the public conscience. The other day, with a ground swell of vir¬ 
tue, this House rose in its might and took Brigham H. Roberts by the nape of the 
neck and slack of the trousers and sot him out in the cold, cold world. [Laughter.] 

Now, why, gentlemen? Because he had three wives; but the real argument 
against Roberts was never stated on this floor, and that was that it invaded the 
Democratic doctrine of equal rights to all and special privileges to none. [Re¬ 
newed laughter.] But we performed that very virtuous act when we put him out 
because he had three wives, although Brigham H. Roberts was a Democrat. 
Now, this Republican Administration goes into an agreement or treaty—I do not 
care what they call it, but some kind of a paper—by which it takes into the emi)loy- 
inent of the ifnited States Government that eminent Republican officeholder, the 
Sultan of Sulu, who has 300 wives. [Laughter.] Now, we Democrats, we virtu¬ 
ous Democrats- 

Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. And we pay him tribute. 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri. Yes; I will tell you about that in a few moments. 
We virtuous Democrats joined with you virtuous Republicans and put out of this 
House a polygamous Democrat. Now, as one good turn deserves another, I ask 
you virtuous Republicans to join hands with us virtuous Democrats and not admit 
within the American Union that eminent Republican officeholder, the Sultan of 
Sulu. [Laughter.] What are you doing? You are paying him $250 a month and 
you are paying his dato, Murah Jara, $75 a month. What are the duties of Murah 
Jara? Why. he is the keeper of the Sultan’s harem [laughter]; and if you go on 
with this thing no Republican statesman will be x>roperly equipped for a seat in 
the American Congress unless he has a harem and a keeper of his harem. [Great 
laughter.] I believe in having one wife, and I never saw what anybody wanted 
witli more, and I am teetotally opposed to me or my people healing pay a part of 
the salary of the keeper of anybody’s harem. 

Let us see another thing about it, because it is all here. What are we doing 
now? Paying tribute to a petty tyrant. That is the plain fact. You can not 
wriggle out of it; that is what it is—paying tribute to a petty de.spot for the privi¬ 
lege of running the American flag up on the strawstack he inhabits as his palace. 
[Great laughter.] When did an American President ever pay tribute before? I 
will tell you. George Washington had to, because he could not help it. John 
Adams did it for the same reason; but when Thomas Jefferson came in, the only 
red-headed President of the United States [laughter and applause]—and in that 
connection, if the color of a man’s hair has anything to do with it, it is high time 
that another red-headed man should become President [renewed laughter]—he 
refused to pay tribute to the Barbary pirates, and ordered a Democratic lieutenant 
of the United States Navy to shell them out of their holes, which he did, and that 
was the end of the United States paying tribute at the Straits of Gibraltar or any¬ 
where else. 

Now, in the closing year of the nineteenth .century, if not the first of the twen¬ 
tieth, the President of the United States, the President of 75,000,000 of people, 
pledged himself to pay this tribute to a petty despot whose very name you do not 
know. How do they justify it? Why, President Schurman has admitted in his 
declaration that it includes slavery and polygamy both. Schurman made defense 
of it. What reason do you think he gave? He said, “ They tolerated slavery and 
they tolerated polj'gamy because these things were a part of their religion.” 

Now, my brothers, did not Brigham H. Roberts stand in this very House and 
justify his position on the ground that it was a part of his religion? Did he not? 
What else did Schurman say? He said the kind of slavery they have over there 



11 


is a very mild form, a sort of patriarchal institution. Did you ever hear that kind 
of talk before? You young men never did, but the older men here know that that 
was iirecisely the defense that the people of twelve or thirteen States of the Ameri¬ 
can Union made, that African slavery was a mild form, a sort of patriarchal insti¬ 
tution. We are coming to it again. 

Now, I want somebody to answer this question. If polygamy is wrong in the 
United States, is it right in Asia? Is it? The last Democratic President of the 
United States, James Buchanan, sent an army to thrash the Mormons in Utah. 
The latest llepublican President of the United States, and, let us hope, the last, 
enters into some kind of an agreement—they say it is not a treaty—with a polyga¬ 
mist of the Sulu Islands. I submit that if Brigham Young was a criminal for 
having 20 wives, tho Sultan of Sulu is a greater criminal for having 300 wives. 
[Laughter.] Did you ever hear of the question of slavery and what it did? For 
four long years it made this country red with the best blood of the nation because 
some people thought other people should not buy and sell human flesh. But I 
submit that what is wuong in America is not right in Asia. And if it is wrong for 
an American citizen to own a black African, it is wrong for anybody to own a 
brown Asiatic. 

N ow. one other thing. How do you like this paying of tribute? I do not believe 
you people like it any better than I do. Do you know what was the first infallible 
sign of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire? It was paying tribute to bar¬ 
barians. Armies destroyed might be replaced, cities razed might be rebuilt, but 
when the lusty barbarian got the first taste of Roman tribute he never stopped 
until his whiskered pandours and fierce hussars rode through the vine-clad hills 
of Italy and fed their horses in the temples of the Roman of the seven-hilled city. 

Let us see another thing that tliis imperialism has brought us to—a press cen¬ 
sorship. These are the fruits of the tree of forbidden knowledge. A press censor- 
shii^! Do you know what was the only party that ever established a press cen¬ 
sorship in this country? It was the old Federalist party. It passed a law making 
it a crime to speak disrespectfully of the President of tho United States, or of the 
Yice-Pi-esident, or of the Supreme Court, or of the Senate or House of Representa¬ 
tives, or any meml^r thereof. Good heavens! Just think of it! Suppose that law 
had been on the statute book during the last two years of Cleveland’s last Admin¬ 
istration; where would we have been? Every man Jack of us would have been in 
jirison and not one would have escaped. [Laughter.] Yes, on both sides of the 
House. [Laughter.] Suppose that was the law now; where would a good many 
of us be? In durance vile. 

But in IbOO the American people arose in their wrath and might and hurled the 
old Federalist party from power and buried it in a grave upon which there is 
inscribed, “No resurrection;” and if the Republican party in the United States 
persists in this press censorship it will follow the old Federalist party in the broad 
and dusty pathway to oblivion. 

Another bitter fruit of the tree of imperialism is that it makes our Government 
callous to the Macedonian cry which comes to us from other peoples who are fight¬ 
ing for the right to govern themselves. 

The love of freedom is not confined to any latitude or longitude. 

Wherever people are struggling for liberty they should have the friendship of all 
Americans. 

It is astounding that there should be any argument as to that proposition within 
the broad conftnes of this puissant Republic. Two years ago there would not 
have been; but a change, a marvelous change, has come over the spirit of our 
dream. 

In the elder day we would have made the welkin ring; now, governmentally 
speaking, we are dumb as oysters. Wherefore? Because England is a robber 
nation; we are ambitious to become a robber nation; and all robber nations must 
stand together for self-protection; and because it is so English, don’t you know! 

That's official America, mark you—only official America. 

From its sordid and inhuman verdict we appeal to the unofficial masses, who 
make and unmake statesmen, the great body of our citizenship, whom Abraham 
Lincoln affectionately denominated “ the plain people”—yes, the plain people, the 
honest neople, the uncorrupted people, who do not covet their neighbor's land, 
whose eyes are not blinded by the sheen of their neighbor’s gold, whose cupidity 
is not excited by the sparkle of their neighbor’s diamonds, who do not believe that 
larceny, burglary, arson, and murder are fundamentals of political economy, and 
in whose pure and tender hearts the sweet song of human freedom is forever singing. 

The Senate of the United States may laugh to scorn Senator Mason’s resolution 
of sympathy with the Boers, but the toiling millions of America will send their 
4255 


12 


sympathy and their hearty G odspeed across the sea to the brave burghers who are 
the best marksmen seen on earth since Andrew Jackson s immortal day at New 
C)rl69^iis 

Why should we not sympathize with these sturdy defenders of their liberty, 
their homes, their wives, and their little children? They are in the right. Not 
only that—they have five times as much cause for fighting as our fathers had in 
1775 

Daniel Webster once declared that our Revolutionary sires went to war about a 
preamble; but if that be true, it is also true that the essence of that preamble was 
the right of self-government, for which the Boers are fighting. 

Twice they have abandoned their humble homes and removed into the wilder¬ 
ness to get rid of the English; but the villain still pursues them. 

Why should we not express our sympathy? 

The precedents all favor such action. 

We passed resolutions of sympathy with the Greeks, when struggling heroically 
to break the yoke of the unspeakable Turk, and in advocacy of those resolutions 
Daniel Webster established his fame as an orator by his lofty and impassioned 
appeal to the moral sentiment of the world—the same sentiment which we now 
invoke in behalf of an oppressed and long-suffering people. 

Under the lead of that matchless Kentuckian, Henry Clay, we hastened to 
express our sympathy with the nascent South American republics, thereby assist¬ 
ing them to throw off their Spanish chains; and we did our duty by that act. 

We did these things when we were a feeble folk. 

Then we were willing to defy the world, the flesh, and the devil to aid anybody 
anywhere struggling for freedom. 

Now that we are so strong that we can not estimate our strength, we ha,ve 
fallen to the low estate of being John Bull's silent partner in butchering and 
despoiling white men—flesh of our flesh and bone of our bone—fighting valiantly 
and gloriously for their altars and their fires. Shame upon such a craven spirit! 

If gold and diamonds had never been discovered in grand old Paul Kruger’s 
bailiwick, there would have been no war. It is the Boers’gold and diamonds that 
the English are fighting for, and not the rights of the Uitlanders. Any weak 
people discovering gold, diamonds, or anything of value may expect a visit from 
Mr. Bull. 

I hope he will get his fill of gold. I hope it from the bottom of my heart. I 
want him to get it as Crassus got it. 

He waged a war against the Parthians to gobble their gold. They defeated his 
legions, cutoff his head, poured melted gold down his dead throat, and, in derision, 
said: “Now, Crassus, thou hast thy gold!” 

So may it be with Johnny Bull in South Africa and to all who are the foes of 
human liberty. 

I do not want to worry the House, but there is another branch of this matter 1 
want to mention briefly. This appetite for islands grows with ^vhat it feeds on. 
When we took in the Sandwich Islands I said then it was only the beginning of 
the end. 

Now we have the Sandwich Islands; we have the island of Guam; we have 
Puerto Rico; we intend to swallow Cuba at the first opportunity; we are reaching 
out for the Philippines. One day two weeks ago the Philadelphia Inquirer had 
an editorial advocating the purchase by the United States of the Danish West 
India Islands—St. John, St. Croix, and St. Thomas. The very same day the Phila¬ 
delphia North American had an editorial advocating the proposition that we buy 
the Galapagos Islands. Now, I undertake to say, unless you have rubbed up your 
geography lately, there is not a man in the House who would know which way to 
staiT—north, south, east, or west—if required to start instantly for the Galapagos 
Islands. 

One other proposition. They say that wdiere the American flag has once been 
raised it shall never be hauled down. The President of the United States said 
that. My friend from Ohio, General Grosvenor, is the originator of that idea. 
A more preposterous one was never hatched in the brain of man. I do not believe 
that the President had any more intention of making that speech when he started 
South than I have of undertaking to fly. But he got down there among the South¬ 
ern people; they are warm-hearted, hospitable, generous, enthusiastic, feather- 
headed, and they sometimes boil over. [Laughter.] When he got down there, 
with his engaging personality and handsome presence, it was such a relief from 
Cleveland that they went wild in their enthusiasm; and, as the newspapers stated, 
he interpolated that clause into his written speech at the banquet when it was 
past midnight—“ Who shall haul down the American flag? Men of Dixie, will 


i 


13 

yon haul it down? ■’ Of course they swore by the horns of the altar that they 
would not haul it down. [Laughter, j 

There used to be a man named Napoleon Bonaparte, who roamed around a good deal 
away from home. [Laughter, ] He may be called the most masterful flag raiser 
of that age. He ran up the French flag on every capital of Europe except London, 
and I have always been sorry he did not run it up there. Did he always keep his 
flag up where he first put it? Why, bless your souls, no. He pulled it down at 
Berlin, at Vienna, at Madrid, and—1 was about to say a thousand other places. 
He took the French eagles back to their eyrie on the banks of the Seine. If my 
friend General Grosyenor had been there he would have said, “Sire, you will 
sully your reputation. Where the French flag has once waved it must wave— 

“ Forever and forever. 

As long as the river flows, 

As long as the heart has passions, 

As long as life hath woes.” 

And when Victoria. Louis Napoleon, and the Sultan of Turkey went into tho 
Crimean war Queen Vic got into rather bad company on both sides. They ran up 
their flag on Russian soil. Did they keep it there? No; they pulled it down, and 
were glad to have an opportunity to pull it down and go home. If they had not 
done so Kinglake’s history of the Crimean war would have contained so many vol¬ 
umes that the w’^orld would not have held them. 

Does England ahvays keep her flag up where she has hoisted it? She had floated 
it over ever}" capital of Europe except that of Russia. She once floated it over the 
Philippines, but pulled it dowm again. On a day that no American can remember 
except with shame the British burned this Capitol, and over its ruins ran up tho 
cross of St. George. Did they keep it there? No. If they had undertaken to keep 
it there, what w"Ould have happened? Why, every boy and half the girls born in 
the United States since that time w'oukl have died in the attempt to haul down 
that hateful rag. 

Let us recur to our own history. Have we always kept our flag where we ran 
it up? Why, sir, w"e ran it up on the river Thames, in Canada. One of my kins¬ 
men died on that battlefield running up that flag. We ivrii up our flag over the 
halls of the Montezumas, in Mexico; we ran it up on the walls of the Barbary 
powders, in Africa. Did we keep it up? No; when it had answered the purposes 
for which it was put up we pulled it down and brought it back into our own 
country, and have been stroiiger and better ever since for doing so. 

Let me tell you something further about running up the flag and hauling it 
dowm. To say that you will never haul down the flag from any x:)lace where it has 
once been ho sted, means a war of extermination inevitably. 

When John A. Dix at the beginning of the civil war telegraphed, “ If any man 
undertakes to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot,” it fired the 
patriotic heart of the land, because that flag was floating where it ought to float. 
But whenever you run it up where it has got no business, it ceases to be the ban¬ 
ner of tho free and the emblem of liberty and becomes to the people where it is 
run up an emblem of slavery and humiliation. 

Now, gentlemen, I must stop, of course. I have exceeded now what I ought to 
have said. But one other thing I want to suggest to you. It is not pleasant to 
j)lay the role of Cassandra, but people ought to learn by experience. 

Why will we learn nothing from the sad fate of those who have gone before? 
I had an uncle somewhat given to wild ways. My father, an older man, advised 
him to profit by the experience of others. “Oh,” replied the ardent youth, “I 
want to experience these things myself.” We are acting in precisely the same 
reckless manner. Strong beyond computation, hapj^ier than any other people on 
earth, growing by leai)s and bounds, yet with tho history of the world for six 
thousand years before our faces we are hastening with flying feet into that broad 
and easy pathway which leadeth to destruction. 

Take a few from the innumerable examples which history furnishes for our in¬ 
struction—examples authenticated beyond all cavil. 

Greece was the first gi’eat nation of Europe. As long as she was contented to 
remain within the bounds which nature fixed for her she flourished, the home of 
art, poetry, learning, commerce, and valor. But Greece was not big enough for 
Alexander, who, not satisfied with being the son of Philip of Macedonia, boasted 
that he was Amon's son. So he started out to slaughter, to conquer, and to seek 
universal dominion. We certainly can not hope to beat him at his own game. 
You know what befell him. But where be the cities now which he founded? 
Where the empire which he created; the glory of his own country, which he 
debauched, ruined, and enslaved? 

4255 


14 


Then Rome arose upon the banks of the yellow Tiber; w’^axecl strong, expanded 
till Rome was synonymous with the civilized world; lorded it over all creation 
for some centuries; broke to pieces of her owui weight and own rottenness; became 
the prey of the lusty barbarian and followed Greece to the graveyard of nations. 

“ In the second century of the Christian Era the Empire of Rome comprehended 
the fairest part of the earth and the most civilized portion of mankind. The fron¬ 
tiers of that extensive monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and disciplined 
valor.” Those are the splendid sentences with which Edward Gibbon opens The 
History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, the saddest story in the 
annals of the human race. Dull indeed must be the man, cold must be his heart, 
■whose imagination, fired by those two glowing and gorgeous sentences, does not 
conjure up for his contemplation magnificent pictures of human happiness and 
human prosperity. But, alas! the six large volumes which he wrote are almost 
exclusively devoted to giving a melancholy, a heart-rending history of human 
folly, human depravity, human weakness, human misery, and human iDoltroonery, 
such as can be found nowhere eise in the entire realm of literature. 

Here and there a flash of genius, an act of patriotism, a deed of humanity, afeat 
of heroism, lights up the somber scene of desolation and woe—only the last flick- 
erings of the expiring candle. Constantly, forever downward, the great historian 
leads our steps, through suffering and decay, from the accession of Augustus 
Caesar to the fall of Constantinople—scenes twelve hundred years apart, but welded 
together for our instruction and our warning. The end may be described suc¬ 
cinctly as “ Darkness everywhere; chaos come again.” 

I wish most fervently that every citizen of this Republic could be compelled to 
read carefully and prayerfully Gibbon's stupendous work. It would wound the 
jingoes past all surgery, give the coup de grace to imperialism on this continent, 
and save our children from a fate at the contemplation of whose horrors even the 
bravest of us must shudder. 

Over and over and over again he tells us with an emphasis which can never be 
forgotten that “the decline and fall of the Roman Empire” was caused by the 
failure of the successors of Augustus to follow the sage advice of that crafty 
statesman to keep the emi)ire within safe, reasonable, and natural bounds. With 
their evil example and iCs awful consequences before our eyes, we seem determined 
to plunge headlong into the black and bottomless abyss in wdiich they disappeared 
forever from human ken. 

At the astounding historic pageant at Brussels, when Charles V, wear}’’ of glory, 
of power, of conquest, and of the world, abdicated in favor of Philip II, he could 
with perfect truth have made the proud boast which Daniel Webster made for 
England, that the sun never set upon his dominions and that his morning drum¬ 
beat encircled the globe. Not only Spain was his, but also Italy, Sicily, Austria, 
the Netherlands, the Floridas, most of North, Central, and South America, and 
nearly all the islands of all the seas. Even the great highway of the ocean was 
denominated the Spanish Main. But his immense and glittering empire was an 
unnatural, an incongruous, an incoherent, an incompatible conglomeration of 
states, and only last year we, who as a nation were in our swaddling clothes when 
that great Emperor doffed his crown and betook him to a monastery, gave the 
finish to his abnormal empire. 

Then came Louis XIV, the Grand Monarque, who was King for seventy-two 
years; who for half a century did bestride this narrow world like a Colossus; who, 
in the plenitude of his power, dreamed that he could defy the immutable laws of 
nature and by a family compact could give the earth and the fullness thereof in 
fee simple to his descendants; whose old age was made bitter by Blenheim, Ouden- 
arde, Ramillies, and Malplaquet. by the loss of armies, battles, and provinces; 
whose cup of humiliation was filled to overflowing by the invasion of La Belle 
France; whose grandson died upon the block, and whcse heirs are mere phantom 
kings—wanderers and vagabonds upon the face of the earth. 

Close upon his august heels came the marvelous Corsican, the wonderful war¬ 
rior, the self-styled “Armed Soldier of Democracy,” who boasted that he found 
the crown of France in the gutter, picked it up on the point of his sword, and 
with his own hands clapped it upon his head. Had he been warned by the fate of 
his predecessors, he would have died upon the throne, left it to his son, and in his¬ 
tory would have been named “Napoleon the Invincible.” Not so, however. 
Filled with the vain lust of universal dominion, he, too, caught the fatal mania of 
imperialism. He conquered kingdoms, empires, and principalities. He deposed 
kings and queens until Europe was full of fleeing royalties. He made queens of 
his sisters, kings of his brothers, brothers-in-law, and even of his stable boys. In 
his vainglory he called his baby heir by the high-sounding title of King of Rome; 

4355 


/' 


15 


but in an evil hour for him—a blessed hour for humanity—he, too, ran up against 
the inexorable law of nature; his legions perished in the snows of Russia, and at 
last, a prisoner on a tropic isle, he died in a delirium, shouting, “ Tete d’armee! ” 

At last appeared John Bull as the great practitioner of the fatal theory of expan¬ 
sion. He gobbled North America, a portion of South America, a large slice of 
Asia, most of northern Africa, the majority of all the islands in the bosom of the 
multitudinous seas. John was the greatest imperialist of them all. He had a 
long and successful run. At last ho butted his hard head against Spion Kop and 
lost his glory in the Modder River. Many men hope and more believe that John 
has reached his highest point and hastens now to his setting, and that in South 
Africa, at the hands of old Paul Kruger, he will reach his Waterloo. 

Unless we are the veriest idiots upon whom God has showered his blessings, 
rich and manifold, we will profit by the awful example of these and others who 
have gone to ruin by the fatal process of imperialism. 

Oh, yes; but they ask if Jeiferson did not expand. Of course he did. I am not 
against expansion. I am to-day in favor of taking every foot of the British North 
American possessions. [Applause on the Democratic side.] Jefferson expanded, 
and I thank God that he was President in 1803, for if he had not been we never 
would have had the trans-Mississippi country. We needed it in our business. 
It was contiguous territory. It had nobody in it except the Indians, whom we 
intended to kill, and a few white people who wanted to come with us. That is 
the truth. We had to have the Floridas, because we did not wuint Spain with a 
foothold south of us and England with a foothold north of us. We had to acquire 
Texas—that was a part of the Louisiana purchase, too—because if we did not have 
it a foreign nation would come up to Missouri and Kansas. We wanted a frontier 
and we got it. But over yonder there is a people alien to us; 10,000 miles away 
from us. There are sixty of them to the square mile, and there are only twelve of 
us to the square mile here. 

I am proud of being a native of Kentucky; prouder of being a Missourian by 
adoption; proudest of all of being an American citizen. I have made this speech 
because I wanted to contribute my mite to the preservation of representative 
government. 

When I look into the faces of my little children my heart swells with ineffable 
pride to think that they are citizens of this mighty Republic, built not for a day 
but for all time, bottomed on eternal truth and right and justice, and destined 
under God to be the dominating influence through all the centuries yet to be. 

And now may the God of our fathers, the God who inspired the tongue ‘^jd 
heart of Patrick Henry, the God who guided the hand of Jefferson while .;i*aced 
the greatest state paper in the scrolls of time, the God who sustained "Vv ashington 
and his starving men during seven years of awful war and gave them complete 
victory on the blood-stained heights of Yorktown—may He preserve this great 
Republic, the last hope of constitutional government on the face of the earth, 
from all its enemies, foreign and domestic, and from its unwise friends who would 
lure it into the path that certainly leadeth to destruction. [Applause on thb 
Democratic side.] 

4255 


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